Gulf of the Americas: Because Geography is Just a Suggestion

An enterprising mind has recently issued an executive order renaming the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of America. And why not? After all, if history has taught us anything, it’s that established names are merely placeholders until someone with enough power decides otherwise.

Which is exactly the lesson journalists from the Associated Press learned when they were banned from reporting from the White House and Airforce One, for refusing to refer to the Gulf of Mexico as the Gulf of America.

But here’s the problem—which America? North, Central, or South?

The Americas, as it happens, are a rather large and diverse bunch. If we’re renaming things in the spirit of freedom and democracy, then surely everyone should have a say.

Thus, we humbly propose the following democratic solution, which ensures everyone gets a slice of the Gulf:

  • To South Americans, it shall be the Gulf of South America.
  • To Central Americans, the Gulf of Central America.
  • And to the truth-loving, democracy-defending, freedom-respecting bastion of the modern world—North America—it will, of course, be known as the Gulf of North America.

Which means you should ban yourself if you ever dare utter Gulf of Mexico.

But let’s not stop there. If we’re in the business of rewriting geography we might as well go all in. Perhaps Canada could rebrand the Arctic Ocean as Northern Texas—for consistency, of course. Maybe the four nations of the UK could reclaim the English Channel and rename it The Moat of Britannia. And let’s not forget Florida, which might as well start referring to the Atlantic Ocean as Lake Miami.

Of course, there’s an easier solution: if a name has worked just fine for centuries, perhaps—just perhaps—there’s no need to change it. But then again, when has common sense ever stood in the way of creating a gulf in opinion?

Jews as much as Palestinians are Central to the Struggle

In a recent episode of Bad Hasbara, a ground breaking podcast that describes itself as the “world’s most moral podcast”, hosts Matt Lieb and Daniel Mate discuss Jewish anti-Zionist support for Palestinian liberation, together with guest and fellow Jewish anti-Zionist activist, Sim Kern.

Kern, author of upcoming book Genocide Bad: Notes on Palestine, Jewish History, and Collective Liberation, describes how as an “anti-Zionist Jew you are going to get backlash” from Palestinians who view Jewish activists as placing themselves centre in the struggle. Both Kern and the hosts are at pains to point out this is not their intention and that they view Palestinians as the principal leaders in their own liberation.

However, centre in the struggle is exactly where Kern, Lieb, Mate and other anti-Zionist Jews should be, right alongside Palestinians. The Jewish anti-Zionist voice is crucial for liberation of Palestine, but it is also crucial for Jews. As Haim Bresheeth courageously spoke outside the residence of Israel’s ambassador to the UK, Tzipi Hotovely, (before she likely asked the Home Office to arrest him), “Israel has not only colonised the Palestinian people… more importantly they’ve colonized the Jewish people everywhere. They have colonized Judaism. The tradition, the beliefs, the religion, the experience of Jews for 2,000 years was colonized by Zionism.”

Bresheeth is quite right, and it is a joint struggle that includes Jewish liberation from the grips of Zionism. Jews have as much right to be centre stage as Palestinians, and the sooner Palestinians embrace this fact, recognising that most Jews need liberation as much as they do, the sooner will Palestine be free and restored to what it once was… a land of equality for Muslims, Jews and Christians.

Courageous and powerful, Haim’s arrest is paradoxically encouraging. It shows the Zionists are fearful, which in turn shows they are weak. Only through cruelty and force can they sustain their immoral and inhuman domination, and then only for a limited time.

Exposing the Criminality of Zionism and the Injustice of Israel Through Jewish Dissent

In advocating for Palestinian freedom, it is not necessary to argue the justness of Palestinian resistance directly. Rather than appealing to Palestinian suffering or justifying their resistance, a more compelling approach is to highlight the criminality of Zionism through the lens of Jewish dissent. This perspective not only confronts Zionists and pro-Israel lobbyists with the documented crimes of Zionism and the State of Israel, but it also forces them to confront the question of why so many Jews oppose Zionism and support Palestinian liberation.

By referencing the extensive landscape of Jewish anti-Zionist voices, one can affirm the righteousness of the Palestinian struggle without explicitly addressing it. Although the suffering of Palestinians is both immense and real, and their resistance is justified, focusing on these aspects often leads to dismissive or disingenuous rebuttals from Zionist interlocutors. The criminality of Zionism, when exposed through the voices of Jewish dissent, makes the justice of the Palestinian cause self-evident without without mentioning Palestinian resistance directly or at all. This approach holds two powerful advantages: 1) it minimises opportunities for Zionists to deny, argue over or simply lie about the justice of Palestinian resistance; and 2) it shifts the burden of justification onto Zionists and defenders of Israel, requiring them to explain why so many Jews—including individuals of great repute—oppose Zionism and even question Israel’s legitimacy.

If Zionists resort to accusations of “self-hate” to explain the positions of anti-Zionist Jews, they must be challenged to articulate precisely how this “self-hate” manifests. Why would so many prominent, successful Jews—who have never disavowed their heritage—reject Zionism? This is a difficult question to answer in public, and a reason Jewish dissent is often met with attempts to silence it before it gains exposure, precisely trying to shame individuals as self-haters and traitors to their group. This is why a comprehensive resource of Jewish anti-Zionist voices is needed, so as to bring to the fore the vast landscape of Jewish dissent from Zionism and, frequently, total opposition to Israel.

The following is a just a small selection of Jewish anti-Zionist activism to support this approach. These and much more can be thought of as a “toolbox”, to use when engaging in discussion with people yet to discover the truth about Zionism:

Films by Jewish Writers/Directors:

  • Israelism
  • The Tinderbox

Prominent Anti-Zionist Jewish Individuals:

  • Simone Zimmerman
  • Naomi Klein
  • Gabor Maté
  • Peter Beinart
  • Haim Bresheeth
  • Ilan Pappé
  • Katie Halper
  • Bad Hasbara – “The Most Moral Podcast in the World”

Jewish Anti-Zionist Organisations:

  • Jewish Voice for Peace
  • Jewish Network for Palestine
  • If Not Now

[See further down for an expanded list]


This framework allows anyone in support of Palestinian liberation to expose the injustices of Zionism and Israel through strategic focus on Jewish dissent, thereby reinforcing the legitimacy of the Palestinian struggle without needing to debate the justness of Palestinian resistance explicitly.

The approach has many advantages:

  1. Leverages Internal Critique and Neutralises Zionist Attacks: Jewish dissent offers a powerful, internal critique of Zionism that is difficult for pro-Israel advocates to dismiss out of hand. These dissenting voices come from within the Jewish community itself, often lending the critique a legitimacy that external arguments might lack in the eyes of audiences sensitive to charges of anti-Semitism.
  2. Sidesteps Common Deflections: Focusing on Jewish dissent avoids some of the typical deflections or dismissive tactics that Zionists might use, such as accusations of anti-Semitism. By presenting Jewish opposition to Zionism, it becomes more challenging for advocates of Zionism to argue that these criticisms are rooted in bigotry or ignorance of Jewish identity or history.
  3. Highlights the Diversity of Jewish Thought: Showcasing prominent Jewish figures and organisations that oppose Zionism demonstrates that Jewish opinion on Israel is not monolithic. This diversity alone can disrupt common narratives that equate Jewish identity with unconditional support for Israel, providing space for alternative perspectives on the subject.
  4. Raises the Issue of Ethical Legitimacy: The approach naturally leads to broader ethical questions: if so many Jewish individuals and groups object to Zionism on moral or ethical grounds, it prompts others to ask why. This indirect questioning can be more powerful and thought-provoking than direct confrontations.
  5. Demonstrates Broader Solidarity: Jewish anti-Zionist voices often align with principles of justice and human rights, positioning the Palestinian cause within a universal framework that resonates with broader audiences. This approach avoids framing it strictly as a national or religious conflict, which can make the message more universally appealing.
  6. Counters the “Self-Hate” Narrative: As your text mentions, accusations of “self-hate” can be effectively countered by questioning why well-respected, often successful Jews would “hate” themselves. This forces Zionist supporters to provide evidence for these claims, rather than allowing them to dismiss dissenters uncritically.

Overall, this approach can offer a powerful and logical pathway for presenting the Palestinian case to audiences who may not be responsive to other arguments. It underscores the justice of Palestinian liberation by challenging Zionism’s ethical basis from within, creating a narrative that is hard for critics to refute without resorting to ad hominem attacks.

Several Jewish organisations and prominent individuals already employ this strategy, using Jewish dissent as a means to expose the injustices of Zionism and Israel’s policies. Here are some key examples:

1. Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP)

  • JVP is one of the largest and most vocal Jewish anti-Zionist organisations in the United States. It openly challenges the policies of Israel and the ideology of Zionism by promoting the Palestinian call for justice and equality. Through campaigns, advocacy, and public education, JVP highlights voices within the Jewish community that dissent from mainstream pro-Israel narratives.
  • They regularly publish reports and host events featuring Jewish perspectives critical of Zionism, often framing these critiques within broader human rights and social justice principles.

2. IfNotNow

  • IfNotNow is a Jewish-American organisation focused on mobilising young Jews against Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Although it doesn’t fully reject Zionism, IfNotNow does bring dissenting Jewish voices into the mainstream, challenging the support that many Jewish institutions offer to Israel’s policies.
  • Their approach often highlights moral and ethical objections from Jewish tradition and values, creating a space for Jewish resistance to Zionism within broader American Jewish discourse.

3. Jewish Network for Palestine (JNP)

  • Based in the UK, JNP advocates for Palestinian rights and opposes Zionism as a settler-colonial project. They make clear that opposing Zionism is not a rejection of Jewish identity or culture, but a stance against Israel’s oppressive policies and the political ideology of Zionism.
  • JNP regularly collaborates with other human rights organisations and hosts speakers and authors who highlight the internal Jewish opposition to Zionism as a form of solidarity with Palestinians.

4. Prominent Anti-Zionist Jewish Individuals

  • Ilan Pappé: As a historian, Pappé provides a detailed critique of Zionism from a historical perspective, arguing that Zionism inherently necessitates Palestinian dispossession. His scholarship often brings a Jewish anti-Zionist perspective to international audiences, directly confronting the ethical and moral implications of Zionist ideology.
  • Peter Beinart: Once a prominent liberal Zionist, Beinart has publicly shifted to a more anti-Zionist stance, advocating for a single, binational state and highlighting the ethical issues inherent in Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.
  • Gabor Maté: The Holocaust survivor and respected physician frequently critiques Israel’s policies towards Palestinians, often framing his arguments through a moral lens that resonates with universal human rights principles and Jewish values.

5. Bad Hasbara Podcast

  • This podcast, hosted by Jewish anti-Zionists, is explicitly intended to debunk pro-Israel propaganda (known as “hasbara”) and to provide a platform for dissenting Jewish voices. The hosts discuss Israel’s injustices, using Jewish identity and perspectives to dismantle the myth that Judaism and Zionism are inseparable.

6. Alternative Jewish Media Outlets

  • Some media outlets, like Mondoweiss, though not exclusively Jewish, have contributors who are Jewish anti-Zionists and regularly publish pieces critiquing Zionism from Jewish perspectives. This includes news, commentary, and opinion pieces that challenge Zionism’s alignment with Jewish identity and values.

7. Documentaries and Films

  • Documentaries like Israelism and The Tinderbox, made by Jewish filmmakers, also adopt this approach. These films expose viewers to Jewish voices questioning and condemning Israel’s policies and actions, reinforcing that opposition to Zionism exists within Jewish communities and is driven by ethical concerns.

These organisations and individuals use Jewish dissent as a means of breaking through common defences, raising ethical and moral questions about Zionism and Israel without centring arguments on Palestinian suffering alone. This strategy has had notable impact, particularly in drawing the attention of audiences who may otherwise be unreceptive to critiques of Israel.


Below is an expanded list of Jewish anti-Zionist dissent:

Films

  1. The Occupation of the American Mind (2016) – Explores the pro-Israel narrative in Western media, featuring Jewish critics like Noam Chomsky.
  2. Gaza Fights for Freedom (2019) – Co-directed by Jewish-American journalist Abby Martin, includes discussions of Jewish dissent.
  3. Defamation (2009) – Israeli filmmaker Yoav Shamir investigates the concept of antisemitism and its political weaponisation.
  4. The Gatekeepers (2012) – Features interviews with former heads of Israel’s Shin Bet, critiquing Israel’s policies, including dissenting Jewish perspectives.
  5. Wrestling Jerusalem (2016) – A one-man play/film by Aaron Davidman, grappling with multiple Jewish perspectives on Israel and Palestine.
  6. Zionism Unsettled (2014) – Documentary produced by the Presbyterian Church but features Jewish contributors critiquing Zionism.
  7. Fighting for Justice: The Rachel Corrie Story – Explores the story of Rachel Corrie and includes Jewish voices supporting her activism.
  8. American Radical: The Trials of Norman Finkelstein (2009) – A documentary on the life and work of Norman Finkelstein.
  9. 1948: Creation & Catastrophe (2017) – Examines the founding of Israel and the Nakba, featuring dissenting Jewish and Palestinian voices.

Individuals

Prominent Jewish Anti-Zionists

  1. Rabbi Joel Teitelbaum – Founder of the Satmar Hasidic dynasty, a strong anti-Zionist.
  2. Amira Hass – Israeli journalist known for her reporting on Palestinian life under occupation.
  3. Anna Baltzer – Jewish-American human rights activist, prominent speaker on Palestine.
  4. Gideon Levy – Israeli journalist and Haaretz columnist, vocal critic of Israeli policies.
  5. Ilan Pappé – Israeli historian, author of The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine.
  6. Norman Finkelstein – Author of The Holocaust Industry and prominent critic of Israel’s policies.
  7. Yakov Rabkin – Author of A Threat from Within: A Century of Jewish Opposition to Zionism.
  8. Michael Warschawski – Co-founder of the Alternative Information Center, advocate for Palestinian rights.
  9. Jeff Halper – Anthropologist and founder of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD).
  10. Marc Ellis – Jewish theologian and author of Toward a Jewish Theology of Liberation.
  11. Uri Avnery – Late founder of Gush Shalom, a peace activist who advocated for Palestinian rights.
  12. Hedy Epstein – Holocaust survivor and outspoken critic of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.
  13. Judith Butler – Philosopher and critical theorist who has spoken against Zionism.
  14. Tony Judt – Historian who criticised Zionism as a 19th-century colonial project.
  15. Miko Peled – Israeli peace activist and author of The General’s Son.
  16. Israel Shahak – Holocaust survivor and author of Jewish History, Jewish Religion.
  17. Richard Falk – Jewish-American scholar and former UN rapporteur on Palestinian human rights.
  18. Michael Rosen – British poet and author, critical of Zionism and Israeli policies.

Zionist Dissenters

  1. Ari Shavit – Author of My Promised Land: The Triumph and Tragedy of Israel, who critiques certain Israeli policies.
  2. B’Tselem Founders – Although Zionists, this organisation’s work documents Israeli human rights violations.
  3. Amos Oz – Renowned Israeli author, critical of some Zionist policies, while maintaining a liberal Zionist stance.
  4. Yossi Gurvitz – Israeli blogger and journalist, critical of the occupation despite his Zionist background.

Scholars and Public Figures

  1. Shlomo Sand – Israeli historian, author of The Invention of the Jewish People.
  2. Jacqueline Rose – British academic, author of The Question of Zion.
  3. Moshe Menuhin – Author of The Decadence of Judaism in Our Time, a fierce anti-Zionist.

Organisations

Jewish Anti-Zionist Groups

  1. Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) – One of the largest Jewish-American organisations opposing Zionism.
  2. Neturei Karta – Ultra-Orthodox Jewish group rejecting Zionism on religious grounds.
  3. International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network (IJAN) – Advocates for Palestinian liberation and opposes Zionism.
  4. IfNotNow – Progressive Jewish group focused on opposing Israel’s occupation.
  5. Independent Jewish Voices (IJV) – Canadian organisation challenging pro-Israel narratives.
  6. Jews for Justice for Palestinians (JfJfP) – British organisation advocating for Palestinian rights.
  7. Breaking the Silence – Former Israeli soldiers exposing abuses in the occupied territories.
  8. B’Tselem – Israeli human rights organisation documenting violations against Palestinians.
  9. Gush Shalom – Israeli peace bloc promoting justice for Palestinians.
  10. Rabbis for Human Rights – Israeli group advocating for human rights in Israel and Palestine.
  11. Jewish Anti-Zionist League – Historical group formed in Iraq in 1945 to oppose Zionism.

Progressive Zionist Groups

  1. T’ruah – Progressive rabbinic organisation critical of many Israeli policies.
  2. Partners for Progressive Israel – Promotes a two-state solution but critiques occupation policies.

Books and Texts by Jewish Dissenters

  1. The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine – Ilan Pappé
  2. Beyond Chutzpah – Norman Finkelstein
  3. The General’s Son – Miko Peled
  4. On Antisemitism – Jewish Voice for Peace
  5. Jewish History, Jewish Religion – Israel Shahak
  6. A Threat from Within: A Century of Jewish Opposition to Zionism – Yakov Rabkin
  7. The Holocaust Industry – Norman Finkelstein
  8. The Invention of the Jewish People – Shlomo Sand
  9. Toward a Jewish Theology of Liberation – Marc Ellis

Websites and Resources

  1. Mondoweiss – News site focused on Israel/Palestine, includes Jewish dissenting voices.
  2. +972 Magazine – Israeli-Palestinian online magazine offering diverse perspectives, including Jewish dissenters.
  3. Electronic Intifada – While Palestinian-run, it regularly features Jewish writers critical of Zionism.
  4. The Alternative Information Center (AIC) – Co-founded by Michael Warschawski, focuses on Israeli-Palestinian cooperation and justice.

This consolidated list now includes all the entries from the original list as well as the expanded references. Let me know if you’d like further additions or refinements!

Bad News At The BBC


They cut Late Junction and amplify Israeli hasbara.

That may seem like juxtaposing the apparently trivial with the deadly. But it is a good metric for describing the priorities of BBC management.

At any rate, one cannot imagine Raffi Berg listening to the subversive strains of Late Junction whilst he waters down Israel’s atrocities.

In an article on Drop Site (The BBC’s Civil War Over Gaza), Guardian columnist and podcaster Owen Jones provides a meticulous insight into how the BBC is facing an internal revolt by senior journalists over its biased reporting on Israel’s war on Gaza. The accusation of bias is not taken lightly by Jones. He does not base it on simply listening to BBC output. Jones provides copious evidence sourced from BBC journalists themselves, in particular highlighting how Berg, as BBC News online’s Middle East editor, shapes the coverage of Israel’s war on Gaza, editing articles to minimise Israel as perpetrator and dehumanise Palestinians.

Jones reports that in their complaint, senior journalists who spoke to Drop Site News believe the imbalance is structural, and has been enforced by the top brass for many years. They also requested that the BBC make a series of specific changes, namely:

“reiterating that Israel does not give external journalists access to Gaza, making it clear when there is insufficient evidence to back up Israeli claims, highlighting the extent to which Israeli sources are reliable, making clear where Israel is the perpetrator in article headlines, providing proportionate representation of experts in war crimes and crimes against humanity, including regular historical context predating October 2023, use of consistent language when discussing both Israeli and Palestinian deaths, and robustly challenging Israeli government and military representatives in all interviews.”

I should also add the BBC might restore the 90 minutes, thrice weekly broadcasts Late Junction once enjoyed, before this “radio jewel”, as described by Peter Mills in Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, was cut to just 90 minutes a week. “Journeys in music, ancient to future. The home for adventurous listeners,” as the broadcast bills itself, the reduction in output is likely indicative of broader institutional priorities. This jewel is also likely feared by those who do not wish us to venture out of the box they would like to put us in.

It’s Democracy Jim, But Not as We Know it

I object strongly to those who claim Israel is not a democracy.

It is a democracy! But it’s an apartheid democracy. That’s the finer point they are missing.

It’s a system where democratic rights and representation exist for some while being denied to others. Consider the nation-state law, differential rights between Jewish and Palestinian citizens, and the exclusion of Palestinians in the occupied territories from voting in Israeli elections.

The finer point isn’t whether Israel is a democracy, but what kind of democracy it is—and whether such a system truly embodies democratic ideals.

If you are in doubt, I encourage you to study Israeli democracy.

Next Year in Palestine

“Next year in Jerusalem”, is a phrase that is often sung at the end of the Passover Seder and at the end of the Ne’ila service on Yom Kippur. It expresses the desire of Jews to return to Jerusalem.

May every Jew understand that “next year in Jerusalem”, in peace and with the willing acceptance of Palestinians, is not a dream but an inevitable trajectory. In Palestine Restored, Muslims, Jews and Christians will be one people, Palestinians, as once they were before the shadow of Zionism and imposition of Israel.

To those feeling despair in these dark times, take courage from Jews who know and understand the truth and are beginning to know and understand who they really are.

One State Solution podcast: two Israeli Jews, Elik and Alon, sing and talk about grief, speaking up against atrocities, and how next year will be better in a free Palestine.

How the Unfit Came to Rule the World

Once upon a time only the fittest survived. And once upon a time fittest equated to strongest. Since the beginning of time more or less, only the strong, violent, and fearless, who did not recoil at the sight of blood, torn flesh and shattered bone – who may positively have thrived at the sight of them – could win in battles and save their people, prospering and preponderating over enemies and rivals local and foreign.

Today, however, the world is very different. There has been a subtle, silent inversion in which the ancient evolutionary dynamic of survival of the strongest has been turned upside down. Rather than being the ultimate guarantee of survival amongst otherwise equals, superior strength and the willingness to use violence are now the surest path to destruction. The strongmen who rule over despotic regimes, and the superpowers who manipulate the despots and vie against each other, do not guarantee our survival, they threaten it. The superpowers ally with or “take down” the despots as the need arises, using them as proxies to fight each other, while endangering the planet with their weapons of mass destruction.

The advent of the nuclear age precisely marks this tipping point. It was the point of inflection that flipped evolution on its head. With the unleashing of nuclear power, strength became limitless. It does not take a logician to work out that in a system that relies on strength for survival, limitless strength equates to limitless destruction. This is what we might call the nuclear paradox: limitless power among rivals does not lead to assured security but mutually assured destruction, which of course is simply MAD.

The strong of today, the confident politicians and leaders, diplomats and generals, be they despots and tyrants or sophisticated rhetoricians in so-called liberal democracies, are now the unfit. With the advent of nuclear destruction capabilities, the rules of the game have changed. The violent strong are now the dinosaurs, trampling the ground even as it shakes beneath them, oblivious to our impending annihilation.

The question is, are we to remain dupes to the urges instilled in us prior to the nuclear age, or will we take charge of our destiny under these new conditions? Will the non-violent reign-in those who willingly apply violence in an age where the only limit to violence as a rule of conduct is annihilation?

The first step towards this is recognition that the violent strong are now less fit to lead than those who eschew violence in favour of cooperation. Only by striving to fully harness the forces of fair dealing, empathy and compassion that have so far been secondary to violence, can we prevent the unfit, the violent strong, from bringing us to our destruction.

In today’s world, violence born of strength (as opposed to violence in resistance to the imposition of strength) is a weakness and evolutionary disadvantage. If humanity is to live to evolve another day, humanity must leave its violent days and violent leaders behind.


I asked ChatGPT 4o to expand on my contention that those who use violence to govern, resolve disputes, and to pursue interests now represent the unfit in today’s world. GPT4o’s output is below. I have edited where necessary and added an introductory paragraph. 

How the Unfit Came to Rule the World

Composed using ChatGPT 4o

With the advent of nuclear weapons, the evolutionary dynamic for humans at the global scale changed dramatically. While individuals, tribes, and non-nuclear states may still preponderate over each other through strength and violence, states with limitless destructive power cannot. For them, the primeval evolutionary dynamic of survival of the strongest has been turned on its head. Strength and violence no longer guarantee their survival and instead threaten us all with annihilation.

Once upon a time, survival favoured the strongest. In battles for territory, resources, or dominance, those willing to wield violence—those strong enough to vanquish enemies—secured survival not only for themselves but for their people. Strength and fearlessness in the face of bloodshed were essential to ensuring victory and supremacy. Throughout history, it was often these violent strongmen who rose to power, ensuring the dominance of their tribes, nations, or empires.

That era of “survival of the fittest,” however, has been irrevocably altered by the advent of nuclear weapons. No longer does strength ensure survival. For the superpowers and nuclear-armed states, violence has become a tool not of self-preservation but of potential self-destruction. The violent leaders of today—whether despots, tyrants, or rhetoricians in liberal democracies—are now the unfit. The very traits that once guaranteed the continuation of power and influence now threaten global annihilation.

The Evolutionary Shift: From Strength to Destruction

Nuclear weapons introduced a tipping point in human evolution. Prior to their development, nations, like individuals, competed for dominance through strength, territorial expansion, and warfare. This competition, brutal as it was, followed an evolutionary logic: the strong survived, and the weak perished. However, nuclear weapons made strength limitless. Limitless strength, in turn, equates to limitless destruction. This is the paradox that modern leaders must grapple with: the old logic of power, based on violence, no longer applies in the same way.

In this new evolutionary dynamic, those who rely on violence are no longer equipped to lead humanity safely. Instead, their aggressive tendencies imperil everyone. Today’s global leaders, particularly those who wield military power without restraint, are the modern-day equivalent of dinosaurs, teetering on the brink of a precipice. Their adherence to the ancient rules of strength over cooperation puts the entire planet at risk of extinction.

The Role of Non-Violence and Cooperation

If the rules of survival have indeed changed, then so must our understanding of what constitutes fitness in leadership. Cooperation, empathy, diplomacy, and fair dealing—once considered “soft” traits—are now essential for global security and survival. It is no longer the violent who are the fittest to lead; instead, those who eschew violence and promote peace are better suited to navigating the complexities of a nuclear-armed world.

Leaders who value these traits are more likely to resolve conflicts through dialogue, establish lasting peace, and build coalitions that promote stability. This shift in leadership values represents an evolutionary leap forward, one that must be embraced if humanity is to avoid self-destruction.

The Unfitness of Violent Leadership Today

To illustrate the dangers posed by leaders who rely on violence, we can look at several examples from authoritarian regimes and apparent liberal democracies. These leaders and governing systems demonstrate how violence-based leadership not only fails to secure long-term survival but also exacerbates suffering and instability.

Authoritarian Regimes

North Korea under Kim Jong-un

Kim Jong-un’s regime is a prime example of how violent leadership isolates a nation and jeopardises its future. By focusing on military strength and nuclear weapons development, Kim has led North Korea into economic despair, international isolation, and extreme poverty for its citizens. The regime’s reliance on violence and aggression as tools for survival has done nothing but further endanger its people, illustrating that such leadership is inherently unfit in today’s world.

Syria under Bashar al-Assad

Bashar al-Assad’s brutal military response to the Syrian civil war has had catastrophic consequences. His reliance on violence to maintain power has resulted in a protracted conflict, mass displacement, and an ongoing humanitarian crisis. Assad’s rule highlights the danger of violent leadership not only to his own people but also to regional and global stability, as the conflict has drawn in foreign powers and exacerbated tensions.

Russia under Vladimir Putin

Vladimir Putin’s aggressive foreign policy, marked by interventions in Ukraine and Syria, demonstrates how reliance on military strength can lead to international isolation and economic sanctions. Russia’s actions have strained relationships with Western democracies and heightened the risk of a broader conflict. Putin’s posture, rooted in a belief in strength and military might, further illustrates how violent leadership destabilises global order rather than ensuring survival.

Populism and Violence: Bolsonaro and Trump

The rise of populist leaders who invoke violent rhetoric, such as Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and Donald Trump in the United States, demonstrates how violence can become embedded in the political culture of even democracies. Bolsonaro’s environmental policies, backed by violent suppression of indigenous communities, and Trump’s flirtation with authoritarianism and military posturing highlight the dangers of leaders who, though democratically elected, adopt violence-based strategies to maintain power.

Liberal Democracies: The USA and Israel

Violent leadership is not the sole domain of authoritarian regimes. So-called liberal democracies like the United States and Israel, which possess immense military and nuclear capabilities, also pose significant threats to global security.

The United States: Paradox of Power

While the United States champions itself as the leader of the free world, its reliance on military intervention undermines its claim to moral authority. From Vietnam to Iraq, U.S. military actions have not only destabilised regions but have also fostered resentment, fuelling further violence. The doctrine of pre-emptive war, particularly in the Middle East, reflects a dangerous reliance on military strength, which, when combined with the U.S.’s nuclear arsenal, threatens global security.

Moreover, the United States’ support of authoritarian regimes, when aligned with its geopolitical interests, shows that even liberal democracies can compromise their values for power. This duality—advocating democracy while perpetuating violence—underscores the unfitness of U.S. leadership in a world that demands diplomacy and cooperation.

Israel: Security through Aggression

Israel, like the United States, justifies much of its military aggression as self-defense. Yet its policies in the occupied Palestinian territories and its regional conflicts have perpetuated violence, displacement, and instability. Israel’s reliance on military strength to secure its interests, particularly as a nuclear power, poses a significant risk to regional and global security. Instead of fostering peace, its aggressive posturing entrenches conflict, demonstrating that violent leadership—whether in authoritarian regimes or liberal democracies—remains unfit for navigating the complexities of today’s world.

Reclaiming Leadership for Survival

The evolutionary dynamic has changed. In a world of nuclear weapons, the violent strong are no longer fit to lead. Their reliance on aggression, rather than securing survival, threatens humanity with extinction. Whether they are authoritarian despots or leaders of liberal democracies, the dangers posed by those who continue to embrace violence as a tool of governance are too great to ignore.

The path forward requires a new type of leadership: one that embraces cooperation, non-violence, empathy, and fair dealing. These qualities, once considered idealistic or secondary to power, are now critical for ensuring human survival in an era where limitless violence equates to limitless destruction. The future of humanity depends on whether we can transition away from the violent instincts of the past and embrace the non-violent leadership necessary to avoid catastrophe.

References

· Authoritarian Regimes

  • North Korea under Kim Jong-un
    1. Bermudez, Joseph S. Jr. The Armed Forces of North Korea. London: I.B. Tauris, 2001.
      • Details North Korea’s military-first strategy, highlighting how Kim Jong-un’s leadership focuses on nuclear development at the expense of economic and social well-being.
    2. Lankov, Andrei. The Real North Korea: Life and Politics in the Failed Stalinist Utopia. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.
      • Offers insights into North Korea’s isolation and the effects of Kim’s violent leadership, supporting the essay’s claim that such regimes are unfit for long-term survival.
  • Syria under Bashar al-Assad
    1. Cockburn, Patrick. The Rise of Islamic State: ISIS and the New Sunni Revolution. London: Verso, 2015.
      • Discusses the Syrian Civil War and the violent tactics used by Assad, contributing to the destabilisation of the region.
    2. Phillips, Christopher. The Battle for Syria: International Rivalry in the New Middle East. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016.
      • Explores the long-term consequences of Assad’s violent governance and how it has fuelled global tensions and displacement.
  • Russia under Vladimir Putin
    1. Snyder, Timothy. The Road to Unfreedom: Russia, Europe, America. New York: Tim Duggan Books, 2018.
      • Critiques Putin’s foreign policy, especially his aggressive interventions, showing how violent leadership in Russia destabilises both national and international relations.
    2. Galeotti, Mark. We Need to Talk About Putin: How the West Gets Him Wrong. London: Ebury Press, 2019.
      • Provides a perspective on Putin’s reliance on military might, reinforcing the essay’s argument about the risks of such leadership.

·  Liberal Democracies: The USA and Israel

  • The United States: Paradox of Power
    1. Blum, William. Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II. London: Zed Books, 2003.
      • Offers an in-depth examination of U.S. foreign policy and its violent interventions, supporting the view that U.S. military actions destabilise regions.
    2. Chomsky, Noam. Hegemony or Survival: America’s Quest for Global Dominance. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2003.
      • Critiques U.S. military interventions, providing context for the essay’s argument that the U.S.’s reliance on military power makes it unfit for moral leadership.
    3. Fukuyama, Francis. The End of History and the Last Man. New York: Free Press, 1992.
      • Fukuyama’s optimism about liberal democracy can be contrasted with the essay’s argument that the U.S.’s violent foreign policies undermine global security.
  • Israel: Security through Aggression
    1. Chomsky, Noam, and Ilan Pappé. Gaza in Crisis: Reflections on Israel’s War Against the Palestinians. Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2010.
      • Critiques Israel’s military policies, particularly regarding the occupation of Palestinian territories, aligning with the essay’s claim that Israel’s reliance on violence endangers both regional and global stability.
    2. Finkelstein, Norman G. The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering. London: Verso, 2000.
      • Critically examines how Israel uses historical trauma to justify aggressive policies, supporting the argument that Israel’s violent leadership is unfit in the nuclear age.
    3. Mearsheimer, John, and Stephen Walt. The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007.
      • Discusses the influence of the Israel lobby on U.S. foreign policy, reinforcing the essay’s critique of the dangerous alliance between these two nuclear powers.

·  Populism and Violence: Bolsonaro and Trump

  1. Levitsky, Steven, and Daniel Ziblatt. How Democracies Die. New York: Crown, 2018.
    • Examines the erosion of democratic norms under Trump and the potential shift toward authoritarianism and violence in democratic states.
  2. Roberts, Kenneth M. Populism and Political Conflict in Latin America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020.
    • Explores the rise of populist leaders in Latin America, including Bolsonaro, and their use of violent rhetoric and policies to maintain power.

·  The Unfitness of Violent Leadership Today

  • Wright, Robert. Nonzero: The Logic of Human Destiny. New York: Pantheon Books, 2000.
    • Discusses non-zero-sum games and cooperation as essential for societal progress, aligning with the essay’s argument that violent leadership is no longer tenable in the modern world, and cooperative, diplomatic leadership is required.

·  Other Notable Works

  1. Bacevich, Andrew J. America’s War for the Greater Middle East: A Military History. Random House, 2016.
    • Provides a detailed military history of U.S. interventions in the Middle East, critiquing the reliance on military force and its broader implications for global security.
  2. Betts, Richard K. Nuclear Blackmail and Nuclear Balance. The Brookings Institution, 1987.
    • Analyses the strategic logic behind nuclear weapons and the precarious balance they create between superpowers, underscoring the dangers of nuclear brinkmanship.
  3. Gaddis, John Lewis. The Long Peace: Inquiries into the History of the Cold War. Oxford University Press, 1987.
    • Examines the “long peace” of the Cold War era, despite the existence of nuclear weapons, and the paradox of global security in a nuclear age.
  4. Kaplan, Robert D. The Revenge of Geography: What the Map Tells Us About Coming Conflicts and the Battle Against Fate. Random House, 2012.
    • Explores how geography influences global conflict, with a particular focus on Russia and the Middle East, where violence remains a central strategy for leadership.
  5. Khalidi, Rashid. The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood. Beacon Press, 2006.
    • Examines Israel’s policies in the occupied Palestinian territories and how they perpetuate violence and instability in the region.
  6. Luttwak, Edward N. Strategy: The Logic of War and Peace. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2001.
    • Analyses the paradoxical nature of military strategy in the nuclear age, where increasing military strength can lead to global instability.
  7. Mearsheimer, John J. The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. W.W. Norton & Company, 2001.
    • Discusses the inherent nature of power politics and how the quest for dominance by great powers leads to conflict, particularly in the context of nuclear states.
  8. Putin, Vladimir. “Address by the President of the Russian Federation.” The Kremlin, March 18, 2014.
    • Speech delivered by Putin during the annexation of Crimea, showcasing Russia’s aggressive foreign policy under his leadership.
  9. Snyder, Timothy. On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century. Tim Duggan Books, 2017.
    • Provides lessons from authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, relevant for understanding modern threats posed by violent leadership, both in authoritarian states and democracies.
  10. Zubok, Vladislav. A Failed Empire: The Soviet Union in the Cold War from Stalin to Gorbachev. The University of North Carolina Press, 2007.
    • Provides insight into Soviet leadership, including an analysis of military aggression and nuclear threats during the Cold War, as well as the eventual decline of the USSR.

Need a Car? Israeli Historian Benny Morris Says You Can Steal It

According to Benny Morris, who at one time described himself as one of the “New Historians” that had arisen in Israel in the 1980s, one’s perceived needs are justifications for the injustices one might commit trying to fulfil them.

Speaking in a 2005 interview with Haaretz, Morris presents his justification for the establishment – some might say imposition – of Israel in the region and the resulting ethnic cleansing of Palestinians:

“Arab people gained a large slice of the planet. […They] have 22 states. The Jewish people did not have even one state. There was no reason in the world why it should not have one state. Therefore, from my point of view, the need to establish this state in this place overcame the injustice that was done to the Palestinians by uprooting them.”

Remarkably, Morris constructs his justification through conflating need with right. Because he needs something, Morris is saying, he gives himself the right to take it from others. This is more clearly seen if we substitute car for state; family to describe for both Arabs and the Jews; and neighbourhood for planet:

“The families around me own a large number of the cars in the neighbourhood. […They] have 22 cars. My family did not have even one car. There was no reason in the world why we should not have one car. Therefore, from my point of view, the need to own a car overcame the injustice that was done to the other families by stealing one of their cars.”

The items and scale are different, but the moral argument is the same: because he needed a car, Morris is saying, he had a right to steal one. He justifies this declared right, which he recognises constitutes an injustice when exercised, by saying that around him are plenty of cars, so stealing one won’t make much difference to the owners.

If we base society and international order on Morris’s relativistic accounting, which more broadly rests on Zionist morality as articulated by Zev Jabotinsky, then there is no society and no order other than the rule of might in the service of what one wants.

If Morris can have an entire country because he feels he needs one, then what is to stop him stealing other things when he feels he needs them? Such as more land, water and other resources, as indeed Israel has been doing in the remainder of Palestine that Morris’s “family” has not yet completely taken from the Palestinians.

I urge anyone who supports Morris’s argument not to follow his example. His moral relativism, which rests on the fulfilment of one’s own needs at the expense of others, will get you into a lot of trouble.

The End of Israel Is No Fairy Tale

Jewish Terror Has Exploded, and Nothing Is Standing in Its Way. It May Bring Israel Down

Israel Will Collapse Within a Year if the War of Attrition Against Hamas and Hezbollah Continues

The Brutalization of Israel Is Well Underway. If We Do Not Act, Its Collapse Is Only a Matter of Time

In my youth, Judaism and Zionism felt synonymous. Now the American Jewish consensus has collapsed

Israeli security chief condemns ‘terrorism’ of militant settlers

Only in fairy tales do monsters die with one blow. In real life they must undergo repeated blows from whichever Gilgameshes or hobbits – or in this case Palestinians – dare to stand up to them, before finally in agony they tear at themselves and die.

This is Israel’s last hour as a tyrant in a region where it has always been both an aberration and unwelcome. Though the hour may be long, years, decades perhaps, it is now mortality wounded, completing the task of its demise by its own hand. Could it be otherwise for an entity so out of place?


Moshe Dayan’s Telling “Gaza” Funeral Eulogy

The Israel born historian Omar Bartov, writing in the Guardian, recounts a funeral Eulogy Given by Moshe Dayan in 1956. (As a former IDF soldier and historian of genocide, I was deeply disturbed by my recent visit to Israel)

“On 30 April 1956, Moshe Dayan, then IDF chief of staff, gave a short speech that would become one of the most famous in Israel’s history. He was addressing mourners at the funeral of Ro’i Rothberg, a young security officer of the newly founded Nahal Oz kibbutz, which was established by the IDF in 1951 and became a civilian community two years later. The kibbutz was located just a few hundred metres from the border with the Gaza Strip, facing the Palestinian neighbourhood of Shuja’iyya.

Rothberg had been killed the day before, and his body was dragged across the border and mutilated, before being returned to Israeli hands with the help of the United Nations. Dayan’s speech has become an iconic statement, used both by the political right and left to this day:

Yesterday morning Ro’i was murdered. Dazzled by the calm of the morning, he did not see those waiting in ambush for him at the edge of the furrow. Let us not cast accusations at the murderers today. Why should we blame them for their burning hatred for us? For eight years they have been dwelling in Gaza’s refugee camps, as before their eyes we have transformed the land and the villages in which they and their forefathers had dwelled into our own property.

We should not seek Roi’s blood from the Arabs in Gaza but from ourselves. How have we shut our eyes and not faced up forthrightly to our fate, not faced up to our generation’s mission in all its cruelty? Have we forgotten that this group of lads, who dwell in Nahal Oz, is carrying on its shoulders the heavy gates of Gaza, on whose other side crowd hundreds of thousands of eyes and hands praying for our moment of weakness, so that they can tear us apart – have we forgotten that?…

We are the generation of settlement; without a steel helmet and the muzzle of the cannon we will not be able to plant a tree and build a home. Our children will not have a life if we do not dig shelters, and without barbed wire and machine guns we will not be able to pave roads and dig water wells. Millions of Jews who were exterminated because they had no land are looking at us from the ashes of Israeli history and ordering us to settle and resurrect a land for our people. But beyond the border’s furrow an ocean of hatred  and an urge for vengeance rises, waiting for the moment that calm will blunt our readiness, for the day that we heed the ambassadors of conspiring hypocrisy, who call upon us to put down our arms …

Let us not flinch from seeing the loathing that accompanies and fills the lives of hundreds of thousands of Arabs who dwell around us and await the moment they can reach for our blood. Let us not avert our eyes lest our hands grow weak. This is the destiny of our generation. This is the choice of our lives – to be ready and armed and strong and tough. For if the sword falls from our fist, our lives will be cut down.

Pondering Dayan’s remarkable candor, on reflection it would be foolish not to recognise that the Zionists’ murderous brutality is responsible for the murderous hatred rising in the hearts of the people whose property they “made their own”. Especially when the eyes of those they have brutalised and stolen from are watching, just a few hundred metres away in the refugee camps the Zionists have put them in after forcing them from their beautiful homes in Palestine. In his funeral eulogy, therefore, Dayan must use the Holocaust to justify what he clearly recognises as unjust, realising it would be foolish to deny it. First, because the crimes of the Zionists are difficult to deny; and second and more importantly for the Zionists, if they forget that they are both purveyors and benefactors of injustice and brutality they will fail to see the necessity of continuing to be brutal and unjust until all the land is securely taken. That is why Dayan speaks of his generation of being the ones having to commit the necessary crimes, so that their children will not need to.

But Dayan made an important error. He neither pushed for nor thought it necessary to exterminate entirely the people they had massacred and from whom they had stolen. He did not reckon with the fact that their existence, particularly so close by, would ensure that the unjust barbarity necessary for his generation to take another peoples’ land would be transferred to their children and generations to come. The Palestinians exist, and therefore evidence of the crime exists.

This is why Israelis not only must continue to be brutal and unjust, but are becoming more so by the day. The evidence of the crime is still around them, and for all their efforts they have not been able to wipe and cleanse it way. In fact, they are both adding to the crime and the evidence. The choice they face is either to admit; or double down. So far they have chosen the latter path, becoming more unjust, crueler and losing more of their humanity in order to hang on to the stolen property. Unless they exterminate the Palestinians, as they should have done from the beginning, they cannot possibly hope to keep the land.


 [1]Millions of Jews who were exterminated because they had no land are looking at us from the ashes of Israeli history and ordering us to settle and resurrect a land for our people. ” Evocation of the Holocaust by Dayan as justification of dispossession of the Palestinians

 [2]But beyond the border’s furrow an ocean of hatred…” Evocation of antisemitism