Bad News At The BBC


They cut Late Junction and amplify Israeli hasbara.

That may seem like juxtaposing the apparently trivial with the deadly. But it is a good metric for describing the priorities of BBC management.

At any rate, one cannot imagine Raffi Berg listening to the subversive strains of Late Junction whilst he waters down Israel’s atrocities.

In an article on Drop Site (The BBC’s Civil War Over Gaza), Guardian columnist and podcaster Owen Jones provides a meticulous insight into how the BBC is facing an internal revolt by senior journalists over its biased reporting on Israel’s war on Gaza. The accusation of bias is not taken lightly by Jones. He does not base it on simply listening to BBC output. Jones provides copious evidence sourced from BBC journalists themselves, in particular highlighting how Berg, as BBC News online’s Middle East editor, shapes the coverage of Israel’s war on Gaza, editing articles to minimise Israel as perpetrator and dehumanise Palestinians.

Jones reports that in their complaint, senior journalists who spoke to Drop Site News believe the imbalance is structural, and has been enforced by the top brass for many years. They also requested that the BBC make a series of specific changes, namely:

“reiterating that Israel does not give external journalists access to Gaza, making it clear when there is insufficient evidence to back up Israeli claims, highlighting the extent to which Israeli sources are reliable, making clear where Israel is the perpetrator in article headlines, providing proportionate representation of experts in war crimes and crimes against humanity, including regular historical context predating October 2023, use of consistent language when discussing both Israeli and Palestinian deaths, and robustly challenging Israeli government and military representatives in all interviews.”

I should also add the BBC might restore the 90 minutes, thrice weekly broadcasts Late Junction once enjoyed, before this “radio jewel”, as described by Peter Mills in Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, was cut to just 90 minutes a week. “Journeys in music, ancient to future. The home for adventurous listeners,” as the broadcast bills itself, the reduction in output is likely indicative of broader institutional priorities. This jewel is also likely feared by those who do not wish us to venture out of the box they would like to put us in.

It’s Democracy Jim, But Not as We Know it

I object strongly to those who claim Israel is not a democracy.

It is a democracy! But it’s an apartheid democracy. That’s the finer point they are missing.

It’s a system where democratic rights and representation exist for some while being denied to others. Consider the nation-state law, differential rights between Jewish and Palestinian citizens, and the exclusion of Palestinians in the occupied territories from voting in Israeli elections.

The finer point isn’t whether Israel is a democracy, but what kind of democracy it is—and whether such a system truly embodies democratic ideals.

If you are in doubt, I encourage you to study Israeli democracy.

Next Year in Palestine

“Next year in Jerusalem”, is a phrase that is often sung at the end of the Passover Seder and at the end of the Ne’ila service on Yom Kippur. It expresses the desire of Jews to return to Jerusalem.

May every Jew understand that “next year in Jerusalem”, in peace and with the willing acceptance of Palestinians, is not a dream but an inevitable trajectory. In Palestine Restored, Muslims, Jews and Christians will be one people, Palestinians, as once they were before the shadow of Zionism and imposition of Israel.

To those feeling despair in these dark times, take courage from Jews who know and understand the truth and are beginning to know and understand who they really are.

One State Solution podcast: two Israeli Jews, Elik and Alon, sing and talk about grief, speaking up against atrocities, and how next year will be better in a free Palestine.

How the Unfit Came to Rule the World

Once upon a time only the fittest survived. And once upon a time fittest equated to strongest. Since the beginning of time more or less, only the strong, violent, and fearless, who did not recoil at the sight of blood, torn flesh and shattered bone – who may positively have thrived at the sight of them – could win in battles and save their people, prospering and preponderating over enemies and rivals local and foreign.

Today, however, the world is very different. There has been a subtle, silent inversion in which the ancient evolutionary dynamic of survival of the strongest has been turned upside down. Rather than being the ultimate guarantee of survival amongst otherwise equals, superior strength and the willingness to use violence are now the surest path to destruction. The strongmen who rule over despotic regimes, and the superpowers who manipulate the despots and vie against each other, do not guarantee our survival, they threaten it. The superpowers ally with or “take down” the despots as the need arises, using them as proxies to fight each other, while endangering the planet with their weapons of mass destruction.

The advent of the nuclear age precisely marks this tipping point. It was the point of inflection that flipped evolution on its head. With the unleashing of nuclear power, strength became limitless. It does not take a logician to work out that in a system that relies on strength for survival, limitless strength equates to limitless destruction. This is what we might call the nuclear paradox: limitless power among rivals does not lead to assured security but mutually assured destruction, which of course is simply MAD.

The strong of today, the confident politicians and leaders, diplomats and generals, be they despots and tyrants or sophisticated rhetoricians in so-called liberal democracies, are now the unfit. With the advent of nuclear destruction capabilities, the rules of the game have changed. The violent strong are now the dinosaurs, trampling the ground even as it shakes beneath them, oblivious to our impending annihilation.

The question is, are we to remain dupes to the urges instilled in us prior to the nuclear age, or will we take charge of our destiny under these new conditions? Will the non-violent reign-in those who willingly apply violence in an age where the only limit to violence as a rule of conduct is annihilation?

The first step towards this is recognition that the violent strong are now less fit to lead than those who eschew violence in favour of cooperation. Only by striving to fully harness the forces of fair dealing, empathy and compassion that have so far been secondary to violence, can we prevent the unfit, the violent strong, from bringing us to our destruction.

In today’s world, violence born of strength (as opposed to violence in resistance to the imposition of strength) is a weakness and evolutionary disadvantage. If humanity is to live to evolve another day, humanity must leave its violent days and violent leaders behind.


I asked ChatGPT 4o to expand on my contention that those who use violence to govern, resolve disputes, and to pursue interests now represent the unfit in today’s world. GPT4o’s output is below. I have edited where necessary and added an introductory paragraph. 

How the Unfit Came to Rule the World

Composed using ChatGPT 4o

With the advent of nuclear weapons, the evolutionary dynamic for humans at the global scale changed dramatically. While individuals, tribes, and non-nuclear states may still preponderate over each other through strength and violence, states with limitless destructive power cannot. For them, the primeval evolutionary dynamic of survival of the strongest has been turned on its head. Strength and violence no longer guarantee their survival and instead threaten us all with annihilation.

Once upon a time, survival favoured the strongest. In battles for territory, resources, or dominance, those willing to wield violence—those strong enough to vanquish enemies—secured survival not only for themselves but for their people. Strength and fearlessness in the face of bloodshed were essential to ensuring victory and supremacy. Throughout history, it was often these violent strongmen who rose to power, ensuring the dominance of their tribes, nations, or empires.

That era of “survival of the fittest,” however, has been irrevocably altered by the advent of nuclear weapons. No longer does strength ensure survival. For the superpowers and nuclear-armed states, violence has become a tool not of self-preservation but of potential self-destruction. The violent leaders of today—whether despots, tyrants, or rhetoricians in liberal democracies—are now the unfit. The very traits that once guaranteed the continuation of power and influence now threaten global annihilation.

The Evolutionary Shift: From Strength to Destruction

Nuclear weapons introduced a tipping point in human evolution. Prior to their development, nations, like individuals, competed for dominance through strength, territorial expansion, and warfare. This competition, brutal as it was, followed an evolutionary logic: the strong survived, and the weak perished. However, nuclear weapons made strength limitless. Limitless strength, in turn, equates to limitless destruction. This is the paradox that modern leaders must grapple with: the old logic of power, based on violence, no longer applies in the same way.

In this new evolutionary dynamic, those who rely on violence are no longer equipped to lead humanity safely. Instead, their aggressive tendencies imperil everyone. Today’s global leaders, particularly those who wield military power without restraint, are the modern-day equivalent of dinosaurs, teetering on the brink of a precipice. Their adherence to the ancient rules of strength over cooperation puts the entire planet at risk of extinction.

The Role of Non-Violence and Cooperation

If the rules of survival have indeed changed, then so must our understanding of what constitutes fitness in leadership. Cooperation, empathy, diplomacy, and fair dealing—once considered “soft” traits—are now essential for global security and survival. It is no longer the violent who are the fittest to lead; instead, those who eschew violence and promote peace are better suited to navigating the complexities of a nuclear-armed world.

Leaders who value these traits are more likely to resolve conflicts through dialogue, establish lasting peace, and build coalitions that promote stability. This shift in leadership values represents an evolutionary leap forward, one that must be embraced if humanity is to avoid self-destruction.

The Unfitness of Violent Leadership Today

To illustrate the dangers posed by leaders who rely on violence, we can look at several examples from authoritarian regimes and apparent liberal democracies. These leaders and governing systems demonstrate how violence-based leadership not only fails to secure long-term survival but also exacerbates suffering and instability.

Authoritarian Regimes

North Korea under Kim Jong-un

Kim Jong-un’s regime is a prime example of how violent leadership isolates a nation and jeopardises its future. By focusing on military strength and nuclear weapons development, Kim has led North Korea into economic despair, international isolation, and extreme poverty for its citizens. The regime’s reliance on violence and aggression as tools for survival has done nothing but further endanger its people, illustrating that such leadership is inherently unfit in today’s world.

Syria under Bashar al-Assad

Bashar al-Assad’s brutal military response to the Syrian civil war has had catastrophic consequences. His reliance on violence to maintain power has resulted in a protracted conflict, mass displacement, and an ongoing humanitarian crisis. Assad’s rule highlights the danger of violent leadership not only to his own people but also to regional and global stability, as the conflict has drawn in foreign powers and exacerbated tensions.

Russia under Vladimir Putin

Vladimir Putin’s aggressive foreign policy, marked by interventions in Ukraine and Syria, demonstrates how reliance on military strength can lead to international isolation and economic sanctions. Russia’s actions have strained relationships with Western democracies and heightened the risk of a broader conflict. Putin’s posture, rooted in a belief in strength and military might, further illustrates how violent leadership destabilises global order rather than ensuring survival.

Populism and Violence: Bolsonaro and Trump

The rise of populist leaders who invoke violent rhetoric, such as Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and Donald Trump in the United States, demonstrates how violence can become embedded in the political culture of even democracies. Bolsonaro’s environmental policies, backed by violent suppression of indigenous communities, and Trump’s flirtation with authoritarianism and military posturing highlight the dangers of leaders who, though democratically elected, adopt violence-based strategies to maintain power.

Liberal Democracies: The USA and Israel

Violent leadership is not the sole domain of authoritarian regimes. So-called liberal democracies like the United States and Israel, which possess immense military and nuclear capabilities, also pose significant threats to global security.

The United States: Paradox of Power

While the United States champions itself as the leader of the free world, its reliance on military intervention undermines its claim to moral authority. From Vietnam to Iraq, U.S. military actions have not only destabilised regions but have also fostered resentment, fuelling further violence. The doctrine of pre-emptive war, particularly in the Middle East, reflects a dangerous reliance on military strength, which, when combined with the U.S.’s nuclear arsenal, threatens global security.

Moreover, the United States’ support of authoritarian regimes, when aligned with its geopolitical interests, shows that even liberal democracies can compromise their values for power. This duality—advocating democracy while perpetuating violence—underscores the unfitness of U.S. leadership in a world that demands diplomacy and cooperation.

Israel: Security through Aggression

Israel, like the United States, justifies much of its military aggression as self-defense. Yet its policies in the occupied Palestinian territories and its regional conflicts have perpetuated violence, displacement, and instability. Israel’s reliance on military strength to secure its interests, particularly as a nuclear power, poses a significant risk to regional and global security. Instead of fostering peace, its aggressive posturing entrenches conflict, demonstrating that violent leadership—whether in authoritarian regimes or liberal democracies—remains unfit for navigating the complexities of today’s world.

Reclaiming Leadership for Survival

The evolutionary dynamic has changed. In a world of nuclear weapons, the violent strong are no longer fit to lead. Their reliance on aggression, rather than securing survival, threatens humanity with extinction. Whether they are authoritarian despots or leaders of liberal democracies, the dangers posed by those who continue to embrace violence as a tool of governance are too great to ignore.

The path forward requires a new type of leadership: one that embraces cooperation, non-violence, empathy, and fair dealing. These qualities, once considered idealistic or secondary to power, are now critical for ensuring human survival in an era where limitless violence equates to limitless destruction. The future of humanity depends on whether we can transition away from the violent instincts of the past and embrace the non-violent leadership necessary to avoid catastrophe.

References

· Authoritarian Regimes

  • North Korea under Kim Jong-un
    1. Bermudez, Joseph S. Jr. The Armed Forces of North Korea. London: I.B. Tauris, 2001.
      • Details North Korea’s military-first strategy, highlighting how Kim Jong-un’s leadership focuses on nuclear development at the expense of economic and social well-being.
    2. Lankov, Andrei. The Real North Korea: Life and Politics in the Failed Stalinist Utopia. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.
      • Offers insights into North Korea’s isolation and the effects of Kim’s violent leadership, supporting the essay’s claim that such regimes are unfit for long-term survival.
  • Syria under Bashar al-Assad
    1. Cockburn, Patrick. The Rise of Islamic State: ISIS and the New Sunni Revolution. London: Verso, 2015.
      • Discusses the Syrian Civil War and the violent tactics used by Assad, contributing to the destabilisation of the region.
    2. Phillips, Christopher. The Battle for Syria: International Rivalry in the New Middle East. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016.
      • Explores the long-term consequences of Assad’s violent governance and how it has fuelled global tensions and displacement.
  • Russia under Vladimir Putin
    1. Snyder, Timothy. The Road to Unfreedom: Russia, Europe, America. New York: Tim Duggan Books, 2018.
      • Critiques Putin’s foreign policy, especially his aggressive interventions, showing how violent leadership in Russia destabilises both national and international relations.
    2. Galeotti, Mark. We Need to Talk About Putin: How the West Gets Him Wrong. London: Ebury Press, 2019.
      • Provides a perspective on Putin’s reliance on military might, reinforcing the essay’s argument about the risks of such leadership.

·  Liberal Democracies: The USA and Israel

  • The United States: Paradox of Power
    1. Blum, William. Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II. London: Zed Books, 2003.
      • Offers an in-depth examination of U.S. foreign policy and its violent interventions, supporting the view that U.S. military actions destabilise regions.
    2. Chomsky, Noam. Hegemony or Survival: America’s Quest for Global Dominance. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2003.
      • Critiques U.S. military interventions, providing context for the essay’s argument that the U.S.’s reliance on military power makes it unfit for moral leadership.
    3. Fukuyama, Francis. The End of History and the Last Man. New York: Free Press, 1992.
      • Fukuyama’s optimism about liberal democracy can be contrasted with the essay’s argument that the U.S.’s violent foreign policies undermine global security.
  • Israel: Security through Aggression
    1. Chomsky, Noam, and Ilan Pappé. Gaza in Crisis: Reflections on Israel’s War Against the Palestinians. Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2010.
      • Critiques Israel’s military policies, particularly regarding the occupation of Palestinian territories, aligning with the essay’s claim that Israel’s reliance on violence endangers both regional and global stability.
    2. Finkelstein, Norman G. The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering. London: Verso, 2000.
      • Critically examines how Israel uses historical trauma to justify aggressive policies, supporting the argument that Israel’s violent leadership is unfit in the nuclear age.
    3. Mearsheimer, John, and Stephen Walt. The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007.
      • Discusses the influence of the Israel lobby on U.S. foreign policy, reinforcing the essay’s critique of the dangerous alliance between these two nuclear powers.

·  Populism and Violence: Bolsonaro and Trump

  1. Levitsky, Steven, and Daniel Ziblatt. How Democracies Die. New York: Crown, 2018.
    • Examines the erosion of democratic norms under Trump and the potential shift toward authoritarianism and violence in democratic states.
  2. Roberts, Kenneth M. Populism and Political Conflict in Latin America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020.
    • Explores the rise of populist leaders in Latin America, including Bolsonaro, and their use of violent rhetoric and policies to maintain power.

·  The Unfitness of Violent Leadership Today

  • Wright, Robert. Nonzero: The Logic of Human Destiny. New York: Pantheon Books, 2000.
    • Discusses non-zero-sum games and cooperation as essential for societal progress, aligning with the essay’s argument that violent leadership is no longer tenable in the modern world, and cooperative, diplomatic leadership is required.

·  Other Notable Works

  1. Bacevich, Andrew J. America’s War for the Greater Middle East: A Military History. Random House, 2016.
    • Provides a detailed military history of U.S. interventions in the Middle East, critiquing the reliance on military force and its broader implications for global security.
  2. Betts, Richard K. Nuclear Blackmail and Nuclear Balance. The Brookings Institution, 1987.
    • Analyses the strategic logic behind nuclear weapons and the precarious balance they create between superpowers, underscoring the dangers of nuclear brinkmanship.
  3. Gaddis, John Lewis. The Long Peace: Inquiries into the History of the Cold War. Oxford University Press, 1987.
    • Examines the “long peace” of the Cold War era, despite the existence of nuclear weapons, and the paradox of global security in a nuclear age.
  4. Kaplan, Robert D. The Revenge of Geography: What the Map Tells Us About Coming Conflicts and the Battle Against Fate. Random House, 2012.
    • Explores how geography influences global conflict, with a particular focus on Russia and the Middle East, where violence remains a central strategy for leadership.
  5. Khalidi, Rashid. The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood. Beacon Press, 2006.
    • Examines Israel’s policies in the occupied Palestinian territories and how they perpetuate violence and instability in the region.
  6. Luttwak, Edward N. Strategy: The Logic of War and Peace. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2001.
    • Analyses the paradoxical nature of military strategy in the nuclear age, where increasing military strength can lead to global instability.
  7. Mearsheimer, John J. The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. W.W. Norton & Company, 2001.
    • Discusses the inherent nature of power politics and how the quest for dominance by great powers leads to conflict, particularly in the context of nuclear states.
  8. Putin, Vladimir. “Address by the President of the Russian Federation.” The Kremlin, March 18, 2014.
    • Speech delivered by Putin during the annexation of Crimea, showcasing Russia’s aggressive foreign policy under his leadership.
  9. Snyder, Timothy. On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century. Tim Duggan Books, 2017.
    • Provides lessons from authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, relevant for understanding modern threats posed by violent leadership, both in authoritarian states and democracies.
  10. Zubok, Vladislav. A Failed Empire: The Soviet Union in the Cold War from Stalin to Gorbachev. The University of North Carolina Press, 2007.
    • Provides insight into Soviet leadership, including an analysis of military aggression and nuclear threats during the Cold War, as well as the eventual decline of the USSR.

Need a Car? Israeli Historian Benny Morris Says You Can Steal It

According to Benny Morris, who at one time described himself as one of the “New Historians” that had arisen in Israel in the 1980s, one’s perceived needs are justifications for the injustices one might commit trying to fulfil them.

Speaking in a 2005 interview with Haaretz, Morris presents his justification for the establishment – some might say imposition – of Israel in the region and the resulting ethnic cleansing of Palestinians:

“Arab people gained a large slice of the planet. […They] have 22 states. The Jewish people did not have even one state. There was no reason in the world why it should not have one state. Therefore, from my point of view, the need to establish this state in this place overcame the injustice that was done to the Palestinians by uprooting them.”

Remarkably, Morris constructs his justification through conflating need with right. Because he needs something, Morris is saying, he gives himself the right to take it from others. This is more clearly seen if we substitute car for state; family to describe for both Arabs and the Jews; and neighbourhood for planet:

“The families around me own a large number of the cars in the neighbourhood. […They] have 22 cars. My family did not have even one car. There was no reason in the world why we should not have one car. Therefore, from my point of view, the need to own a car overcame the injustice that was done to the other families by stealing one of their cars.”

The items and scale are different, but the moral argument is the same: because he needed a car, Morris is saying, he had a right to steal one. He justifies this declared right, which he recognises constitutes an injustice when exercised, by saying that around him are plenty of cars, so stealing one won’t make much difference to the owners.

If we base society and international order on Morris’s relativistic accounting, which more broadly rests on Zionist morality as articulated by Zev Jabotinsky, then there is no society and no order other than the rule of might in the service of what one wants.

If Morris can have an entire country because he feels he needs one, then what is to stop him stealing other things when he feels he needs them? Such as more land, water and other resources, as indeed Israel has been doing in the remainder of Palestine that Morris’s “family” has not yet completely taken from the Palestinians.

I urge anyone who supports Morris’s argument not to follow his example. His moral relativism, which rests on the fulfilment of one’s own needs at the expense of others, will get you into a lot of trouble.

The End of Israel Is No Fairy Tale

Jewish Terror Has Exploded, and Nothing Is Standing in Its Way. It May Bring Israel Down

Israel Will Collapse Within a Year if the War of Attrition Against Hamas and Hezbollah Continues

The Brutalization of Israel Is Well Underway. If We Do Not Act, Its Collapse Is Only a Matter of Time

In my youth, Judaism and Zionism felt synonymous. Now the American Jewish consensus has collapsed

Israeli security chief condemns ‘terrorism’ of militant settlers

Only in fairy tales do monsters die with one blow. In real life they must undergo repeated blows from whichever Gilgameshes or hobbits – or in this case Palestinians – dare to stand up to them, before finally in agony they tear at themselves and die.

This is Israel’s last hour as a tyrant in a region where it has always been both an aberration and unwelcome. Though the hour may be long, years, decades perhaps, it is now mortality wounded, completing the task of its demise by its own hand. Could it be otherwise for an entity so out of place?


Moshe Dayan’s Telling “Gaza” Funeral Eulogy

The Israel born historian Omar Bartov, writing in the Guardian, recounts a funeral Eulogy Given by Moshe Dayan in 1956. (As a former IDF soldier and historian of genocide, I was deeply disturbed by my recent visit to Israel)

“On 30 April 1956, Moshe Dayan, then IDF chief of staff, gave a short speech that would become one of the most famous in Israel’s history. He was addressing mourners at the funeral of Ro’i Rothberg, a young security officer of the newly founded Nahal Oz kibbutz, which was established by the IDF in 1951 and became a civilian community two years later. The kibbutz was located just a few hundred metres from the border with the Gaza Strip, facing the Palestinian neighbourhood of Shuja’iyya.

Rothberg had been killed the day before, and his body was dragged across the border and mutilated, before being returned to Israeli hands with the help of the United Nations. Dayan’s speech has become an iconic statement, used both by the political right and left to this day:

Yesterday morning Ro’i was murdered. Dazzled by the calm of the morning, he did not see those waiting in ambush for him at the edge of the furrow. Let us not cast accusations at the murderers today. Why should we blame them for their burning hatred for us? For eight years they have been dwelling in Gaza’s refugee camps, as before their eyes we have transformed the land and the villages in which they and their forefathers had dwelled into our own property.

We should not seek Roi’s blood from the Arabs in Gaza but from ourselves. How have we shut our eyes and not faced up forthrightly to our fate, not faced up to our generation’s mission in all its cruelty? Have we forgotten that this group of lads, who dwell in Nahal Oz, is carrying on its shoulders the heavy gates of Gaza, on whose other side crowd hundreds of thousands of eyes and hands praying for our moment of weakness, so that they can tear us apart – have we forgotten that?…

We are the generation of settlement; without a steel helmet and the muzzle of the cannon we will not be able to plant a tree and build a home. Our children will not have a life if we do not dig shelters, and without barbed wire and machine guns we will not be able to pave roads and dig water wells. Millions of Jews who were exterminated because they had no land are looking at us from the ashes of Israeli history and ordering us to settle and resurrect a land for our people. But beyond the border’s furrow an ocean of hatred  and an urge for vengeance rises, waiting for the moment that calm will blunt our readiness, for the day that we heed the ambassadors of conspiring hypocrisy, who call upon us to put down our arms …

Let us not flinch from seeing the loathing that accompanies and fills the lives of hundreds of thousands of Arabs who dwell around us and await the moment they can reach for our blood. Let us not avert our eyes lest our hands grow weak. This is the destiny of our generation. This is the choice of our lives – to be ready and armed and strong and tough. For if the sword falls from our fist, our lives will be cut down.

Pondering Dayan’s remarkable candor, on reflection it would be foolish not to recognise that the Zionists’ murderous brutality is responsible for the murderous hatred rising in the hearts of the people whose property they “made their own”. Especially when the eyes of those they have brutalised and stolen from are watching, just a few hundred metres away in the refugee camps the Zionists have put them in after forcing them from their beautiful homes in Palestine. In his funeral eulogy, therefore, Dayan must use the Holocaust to justify what he clearly recognises as unjust, realising it would be foolish to deny it. First, because the crimes of the Zionists are difficult to deny; and second and more importantly for the Zionists, if they forget that they are both purveyors and benefactors of injustice and brutality they will fail to see the necessity of continuing to be brutal and unjust until all the land is securely taken. That is why Dayan speaks of his generation of being the ones having to commit the necessary crimes, so that their children will not need to.

But Dayan made an important error. He neither pushed for nor thought it necessary to exterminate entirely the people they had massacred and from whom they had stolen. He did not reckon with the fact that their existence, particularly so close by, would ensure that the unjust barbarity necessary for his generation to take another peoples’ land would be transferred to their children and generations to come. The Palestinians exist, and therefore evidence of the crime exists.

This is why Israelis not only must continue to be brutal and unjust, but are becoming more so by the day. The evidence of the crime is still around them, and for all their efforts they have not been able to wipe and cleanse it way. In fact, they are both adding to the crime and the evidence. The choice they face is either to admit; or double down. So far they have chosen the latter path, becoming more unjust, crueler and losing more of their humanity in order to hang on to the stolen property. Unless they exterminate the Palestinians, as they should have done from the beginning, they cannot possibly hope to keep the land.


 [1]Millions of Jews who were exterminated because they had no land are looking at us from the ashes of Israeli history and ordering us to settle and resurrect a land for our people. ” Evocation of the Holocaust by Dayan as justification of dispossession of the Palestinians

 [2]But beyond the border’s furrow an ocean of hatred…” Evocation of antisemitism

The Mouse, the Hippopotamus, and the Grain Store: A True Story

If you listen to Israelis and their defenders, everything is the fault of the Palestinians. According to this narrative, they rejected a “generous” offer of 44% of their land in 1948 and have since rejected all overtures from an Israel eager for peace and coexistence. They allegedly resist unreasonably, irrationally, and violently against Israel’s settlement of the land that was offered to them, which they could have had for a state if they had not continued to reject peace proposals.

This narrative insists that the death and destruction we see is all due to the Palestinians. Israel, with what it claims to be the world’s most moral army, would never harm anyone unless it was absolutely necessary. Recent events, such as the October 7 attacks and the ongoing military actions in Gaza, are framed as reluctant but necessary measures against the intransigent Palestinians.

Yet, the reality is starkly different. Israel is armed to the teeth and enjoys the support of the most powerful nations on Earth in terms of financial aid, weapons, political backing, and UN vetoes. Meanwhile, the Palestinians have no military to speak of, only small arms and improvised rockets. They live under occupation, with their movements restricted, their lands steadily encroached upon by illegal settlements, and their people subject to harassment, arrest, and torture.

The Mouse and the Hippopotamus

Once upon a time, there was a village where the inhabitants lived happily and peacefully. One morning, the villagers woke to find one of their valuable food stores broken into and trampled. As they stood pondering what happened, they noticed footprints on either side of the ruins: on one side, the tiny prints of a mouse; on the other, the massive imprints of a hippopotamus.

This story serves as a metaphor for the current situation in Gaza and more broadly for the entire 76 years of conflict since Israel was created. Any rational and honest observer would conclude the hippopotamus is the culprit. Yet astoundingly, we are expected to believe it was the mouse.

In a recent press conference with the German Chancellor, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu described Hamas as the “new Nazis”. But consider this: a people confined in what many have called the world’s largest open-air prison, denied basic necessities like food, water, fuel, and medicine, and lacking any significant military capability, are compared to one of history’s most infamous regimes. And all this while they are subjected to bombardment by one of the most advanced militaries in the world. But as renowned journalist Chris Hedges aptly observes, “Think about that. A people, imprisoned in the world’s largest concentration camp for 16 years, denied food, water, fuel, and medicine, lacking an army, air force, navy, mechanized units, artillery, command and control and missile batteries is being butchered and starved by one of the most advanced militaries on the planet, and they are the Nazis?” (Chris Hedges: The Genocide in Gaza).

To further highlight Netanyahu’s moral and rational dislocation, we must call upon the great Chico Marx when he humorously quipped: who are you going to believe? Me or your own eyes? Obviously, says Netanyahu, it was the Nazi mouse!

Sir Tom and the Brutes: The Moral Pitfalls of Privilege

The UK has recently witnessed a surge of violence and unrest following the tragic murder of three young girls by a young man later identified as black. Prior to his identification, far-right extremists seized upon the incident to stoke racial tensions, falsely portraying the perpetrator as a Muslim asylum seeker. In reality, the youth, is of Rwandan Christian heritage and was born in the UK. The ensuing riots, fuelled by misinformation and racial animosity, have led to widespread property damage, confrontations with law enforcement and hundreds of arrests.

Amidst this chaos, Sir Tom Windsor, former Chief Inspector of the Constabulary, has made controversial remarks condemning the rioters, labelling them as individuals of “low intelligence and even lower morality.” (Speaking to Mishaal Hussein, PM, Radio 4, 5 Aug 2024). While his remarks might be seen as harsh, Sir Tom paints a vivid picture of the rioters—individuals who seem to fit the classic mould of murderous, malodorous thugs, swilling beer and spewing racism as they hurl missiles, set fire to libraries and hotels, and attack anyone who is black, looks like a Muslim, or appears remotely foreign.

No one should be outraged by Sir Tom’s estimation. To all appearances, the rioters are brutes—or at best, beasts of the field with language. However, the interesting question is, how did they end up like this? After all, they share the same human form as Sir Tom. Are they, by some divine or natural decree, inherently inferior to the esteemed knight, incapable of the knowledge and moral principles that would make them civil beings like himself?

To unpack this question, rather than focusing solely on how the “brutes” behave, perhaps we should examine how they are forced to live. Do they earn a decent wage to buy decent food? Do they live in housing and streets that are not only decent but well-kept, safe, calm, and aesthetically pleasing? Do they enjoy robust educational and healthcare systems free of private exploitation? Do they attend schools that are pleasant green spaces, nurturing minds to love beauty and care for others and their environment? Are they taught that those who seek asylum here would not endanger themselves if they, too, lived in an equitable world that did not hoard opportunity and plunder wealth?

Surely intelligent Sir Tom would know all this. If society forces people to live like brutes while possessing every means to allow them to live well, should it be surprised when they behave like brutes?

Of course, individual agency and responsibility must be considered. Indeed, most people, even when facing unfair disadvantage and harsh conditions, do not immediately resort to brutish behaviour and may even become more humane, as seen among those who aided mosque-goers and helped clean up in the aftermath. Nonetheless, society cannot demand its citizens be saints while treating them like brutes, forcing them to choose between “eating or heating,” begging from food banks, and taking the lowliest jobs for the lowest pay, assuming there is work to be found. Society’s immediate concern should be cohesion and equity based on peace, law, order, and prosperity—not the morality of the citizen. Although, it also goes without saying, society should never act in a way that undermines individual morality.

Bestowed with this responsibility for societal cohesion and equity, those who govern must ensure that conditions for fulfilling this mission are met. In The Republic, which is not known for its progressive, egalitarian views on social justice, Plato nonetheless acknowledges that those with sufficient means are discouraged from errant behaviour. “What has been the value of your wealth?” Socrates asks a wealthy Athenian named Cephalous. “That I have not needed to do those things that are considered against the law so as to live a good life,” answers Cephalous. Even 2,500 years ago, it was understood that sufficient means to live well, with all needs met and perhaps a little more, while not a guarantee against errant behaviour, is nonetheless the best way to minimize it.

Ideally, the means to resist errant or brutish behaviour should reside morally within the individual. But in reality, some may not muster the moral resources to always remain civil because, unlike Sir Tom, not all have had the privilege (at some point, at least) to develop them. Certainly, some by nature may be inclined to be moral to the last. Others, however, may reach their limit sooner. And some may even decide to put their morality aside in the face of perceived injustices.

Except for alleged saints and rare individuals such as Gandhi and Mandela, moral integrity in the face of injustice is not an infinite and inexhaustible resource. In recognition of this, society’s responsibility, given to it by the citizen, is to provide the means that support the moral integrity of the individual—not to condemn the individual as irredeemably and solely responsible for their moral degradation.

Perhaps the ideal of true social justice will never be realized. But let it be known to Sir Tom that those unintelligent, immoral brutes among us are not destined to be so by birth but are nurtured by the very system that now condemns them.

So if we are to talk about intelligence and morality, surely the knights, lords, politicians, and captains of industry—honoured no doubt for their intelligence and moral integrity—must bear a greater responsibility for the breakdown of society than those actually breaking it down.

In science, finding solutions means getting to the bottom layers of reality. In society and politics, which are anything but scientific, it means going straight to the top.

Mapping Solidarity: An Internet Directory of Jewish Anti-Zionist Voices

Creating a comprehensive directory, to amplify Jewish Anti-Zionist Voices in solidarity with Palestinians, will bring to the fore the vast landscape of Jewish dissent and opposition to Israel. The full power of this voice is currently unheard because there are efforts to exclude it from the mainstream media.

It is more than arguable that the Jewish anti-Zionist voice is among the most powerful voices advocating for Palestinian rights and coexistence. In many cases this voice unreservedly condemns Israel as an apartheid and genocidal state, even calling for an end to Israel and restoration of Palestine as a land for all the people between the river and the sea.

Such is the unambiguous message of Meital Yaniv, a former Israeli soldier speaking in an interview with Amy Goodman of Democracy Now!. Yaniv’s activism is directed at “bringing the Israeli identity and Israeli state to a loving and caring death, for the liberation of the land of Palestine”. It is notable that Goodman herself is Jewish and for decades has tirelessly given a strong voice to the Palestinian struggle.

A similar sentiment to Yaniv’s was also recently voiced by the Israeli historian Ilan Pappe during a presentation in London of his new book, Lobbying for Zionism on Both Sides of the Atlantic. “I hope for the end of Israel and the creation of a free Palestine from the river to the sea,” said Professor Pappe, sitting alongside friend and veteran Palestinian activist Professor Ghada Karmi, as well as other Palestinians and anti-Zionist Jews.

The Jewish anti-Zionist voice is an indispensable part of the struggle. It is key to arriving at an eventual critical mass of Jews who reject Zionism, shun Apartheid Israel, stand with Palestinians, and embrace a shared one state future. Without this critical mass it is arguable the struggle will likely never end.

Over the past 10 months the number of Jews speaking up and standing with Palestinians has been very notable on socila media – TikTok and YouTube in particular. It is a source of immense encouragement and hope. Yet these individuals and organisations receive little mainstream media attention on networks such as the BBC, CNN, MSNBC and others – except in instances when ignoring their activism would ironically draw more attention to it. For example, there was brief mainstream media coverage when Jewish Voice for Peace occupied the Capitol in Washington and Grand Central Station in New York, events that would be difficult to ignore even for pro-Israel media.

However, even when attention is paid to Jewish anti-Zionist voices, the coverage is scant, fleeting or sidelined. To discover the vast and rich commentary by Jewish anti-Zionists one must be forwarded a link or search social media and the alternative press. Although, to do even this, one must know that it exists in the first place, which for many people is a discovery still to be made.

Despite this, and despite the high price paid in attacks on them by their own community – of allegedly being self-hating Jews and even anti-Semitic – the fact remains that anti-Zionist Jews are many and increasing.

But the readiness and willingness of Jews to speak out is only half the story. There is also a great public hunger to hear them. Daniel Maté, an acclaimed Jewish Canadian composer-lyricist and anti-Zionist, recounts how for the first few months after October 7 he was “blown away by the positive feedback and the gratitude and thanks. People were hungry, especially and inordinately, for Jewish voices.” Maté, who has an impressive count of YouTube videos discussing the Israeli genocide and ethnic cleansing currently taking place in Gaza and the West Bank, also co-hosts YouTube channel Bad Hasbara with fellow Jewish anti-Zionist Matt Lieb. Yet, though they and other anti-Zionist Jews receive many views and likes, their reach is far from their full potential.

The bottom line is that there is both a healthy supply of Jewish anti-Zionist voices and a large and growing demand to hear them. The problem is that the two currently lack a “meeting place” where they can connect.

In light of this, it would seem a good idea for Jewish anti-Zionists, as well as Palestinians and their supporters, to vigorously promote the Jewish anti-Zionist voice, not only to the general public, but to Jews yet to explicitly reject Zionism. This would be greatly assisted if there were to be a central space for Jewish anti-Zionist voices, a town square so to speak, serving as both source and focus of the promotional effort. This would clearly be internet based, in the form a central directory or hub, hosting and linking to all Jewish anti-Zionist commentary and activism, including a voluntary listing of all Jewish anti-Zionist individuals and organisations.

This approach would be particularly effective with the wider undecided or institutionally pro-Israel public. Arguing from a purely Palestinian perspective of being victims of Israeli injustice already raises defences among those little informed on the subject, simply because there is an unspoken awareness that criticising Israel could land you in trouble – among work colleagues, fellow students and even family ignorant of the facts. However, this cautionary fear often lifts when the criticism comes from the mouths of Jews.

A central directory of anti-Zionist Jewish voices would have great potential when lobbying businesses to support the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement (BDS), providing relevant links to anti-Zionist Jews and Jewish organisations who explicitly support BDS.

Perhaps I am mistaken in thinking a central directory would be of any use generally. However, what I can say is that I frequently have the need to quickly find content by anti-Zionist Jews when writing a blog piece, working on an essay or trying to complete a futuristic novel on Palestine, to say nothing of content to send to friends and associates, some of who still cling to the idea that criticising Israel to strongly is fraught with danger.

Powerful and moving personal testimony by an American Jewish woman of her experiences of visiting occupied Palestine.

To help leverage the power of the Jewish voice and interweave it as one with the Palestinian voice, a panorama of the Jewish anti-Zionist landscape is therefore essential. Yet aside from a short list of Jewish anti-Zionist organisations on Wikipedia, there currently appears to be no central resource that lists and perhaps also hosts all actors in the global Jewish anti-Zionist movement.

It would therefore seem worthwhile to explore the creation of an internet directory of the global Jewish anti-Zionist voice, from spontaneous personal testimonies posted on social media, interviews with ex-military and refusenik Israeli activists, to celebrities, scholars, legal experts, journalists, NGOs and organisations of any size and anywhere, of which there are many thousands.

As mentioned, currently Jewish anti-Zionist voices, though strong and widespread, receive exposure mostly through alternative media or people stumbling on them. Consolidation is required to raise their visibility and ease of reach, to serve both as a testament to Jewish support for Palestinians and a ready resource for activists. Moreover, such a united body would be difficult for journalists and the mainstream media to sideline and ignore. In fact, it may give BBC and CNN journalists – currently fearful of being smeared as anti-Semitic – the courage to begin reporting honestly.

At the same time, Palestinians need to raise their own voices to reaffirm to Jews yet to become anti-Zionist that the struggle is not against Jews or even Israel as such, but against Zionism and Israel as it currently stands as a Zionist creation. Palestinians need to more visibly stand with Jews against real anti-Semitism, reassuring them of their sincerity towards co-existence in an integrated region, where Jews may live and move freely throughout the Arab world as they had done for centuries prior to the imposition of Israel; and that the Jewish homeland is where it has always been, between the river and the sea. Resistance to Zionism does not in any way preclude Palestine being the homeland of Jews as much as it is of Palestinians; only that it cannot be an exclusively Jewish nation state and, as many Zionists currently would like to see, an exclusively Jewish land.

ChatGPT Assessment of the Proposal for a Centralised Directory of Jewish Anti-Zionist Voices

Creating a centralized directory of Jewish anti-Zionist voices could potentially be a beneficial project, but its success and impact would depend on several factors:

Realism and Feasibility

  1. Technical Feasibility: Setting up a centralized directory on the internet is technically feasible. It would require a robust platform with a user-friendly interface to organize and present the content effectively. Maintenance and security measures would also be essential to ensure the directory remains accessible and secure from cyber attacks.
  2. Content and Contributions: Gathering contributions from a diverse array of Jewish anti-Zionist voices, including personal testimonies, interviews, and scholarly articles, is crucial. This would require significant outreach efforts to ensure that voices from different regions and backgrounds are included.
  3. Funding and Resources: Adequate funding would be necessary to support the creation, maintenance, and promotion of the directory. This could involve seeking donations, grants, or partnerships with organizations that align with the directory’s goals.
  4. Political and Social Challenges: The project might face resistance from Zionist groups or individuals who view it as a threat to their narratives. This could lead to public criticism or attempts to discredit the directory, which would need to be addressed with careful public relations strategies.

Potential Benefits

  1. Visibility and Awareness: A centralized directory would make it easier for people to find and access Jewish anti-Zionist voices, potentially increasing their visibility and influence in the public discourse.
  2. Solidarity and Support: The directory could help build solidarity between Jewish anti-Zionists and Palestinian activists by showcasing shared values and goals, potentially strengthening the movement for Palestinian rights.
  3. Resource for Activists: Providing a comprehensive resource for activists could enhance their ability to educate others and advocate for Palestinian rights, using Jewish anti-Zionist perspectives to challenge stereotypes and misconceptions.
  4. Media and Public Attention: A well-publicized directory might attract media attention, encouraging more journalists to cover Jewish anti-Zionist perspectives and amplifying their impact.

Challenges and Considerations

  1. Perceptions and Misinterpretations: The project might be misunderstood as being anti-Semitic, so it would be crucial to clearly communicate that the focus is on opposition to Zionism as a political ideology, not on Judaism as a religion or Jews as a people.
  2. Diverse Opinions Within Anti-Zionism: The directory would need to accommodate a range of views within the Jewish anti-Zionist community, which can be diverse and sometimes conflicting. Managing this diversity would be key to maintaining credibility and relevance.
  3. Measuring Impact: Assessing the impact of the directory on the Palestinian cause would require ongoing evaluation, including feedback from users and stakeholders, to ensure it effectively supports the intended goals.

In summary, while the creation of a centralized directory of Jewish anti-Zionist voices is a realistic and potentially beneficial project, it would require careful planning, sufficient resources, and strategic communication to overcome challenges and achieve its goals. If executed well, it could significantly contribute to raising awareness and fostering solidarity in support of Palestinian rights.